Dubai, United Arab Emarites ? The Iranian leader’s rebuff on Saturday to President Barack Obama’s offer for dialogue was swift and sweeping: Words from Washington ring hollow without deep policy changes.

But Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei’s response was more than just a dismissive slap at the outreach. It was a broad lesson in the mind-set of Iran’s all-powerful theocracy and how it will dictate the pace and tone of any new steps by Obama to chip away at their nearly 30-year diplomatic freeze.

“It’s the first stage of the bargaining in classic Iranian style: Be tough and play up your toughness,” said Abdulkhaleq Abdulla, a professor of regional politics at United Arab Emirates University. “The Iranian leaders are not about concessions at this stage. It’s still all about ideology from the Iranian side.”

For Khamenei and his inner circle, that means appearing to stay true to the 1979 Islamic Revolution and the political narrative of rejecting the United States. Any quick gestures by the ruling clerics to mend ties with Washington could be perceived by hard-liners as a betrayal of the revolution.

Iran’s nonelected leaders also are carefully weighing how any openings — even small ones — could affect the June 12 presidential race between their apparent choice, hard-line President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and reformists led by a former prime minister, Mir Hossein Mousavi.

“This is why this will be a very slow, very complicated process between Iran and the United States,” said Abdulla. “Even the theocracy can be pragmatic. When they feel it’s in the national interest to reach out to America, they will find a way.”

There are no signs of a spring thaw.

Khamenei set the bar impossibly high — demanding an overhaul of U.S. foreign policy, including giving up “unconditional support” for Israel and halting claims that Iran is seeking nuclear arms. Iran insists its nuclear program is only for peaceful energy purposes.

“Have you released Iranian assets? Have you lifted oppressive sanctions? Have you given up mudslinging and making accusations against the great Iranian nation and its officials?” Khamenei said in a speech in the northeastern city of Mashhad. The crowd chanted “Death to America.”

Despite Obama’s offer, the State Department still lists Iran as a sponsor of terrorism for its backing of militant groups such as Lebanon’s Hezbollah. In Iraq, U.S. officials accuse Iran of aiding Shiite militias whose targets have included American soldiers.

“He (Obama) insulted the Islamic Republic of Iran from the first day. If you are right that change has come, where is that change? What is the sign of that change? Make it clear for us what has changed.”

Still, Khamenei left the door open to better ties with America, saying “should you change, our behavior will change, too.”

Khamenei’s response carried a particular bite following Obama’s important shift in U.S. tactics in his video released Friday, offering to speak directly to Iran’s theocrats rather than encouraging only pro-democracy reformists inside the country.

The move appears to recognize two key realities for U.S. policy makers: Iran’s establishment is firmly entrenched and it holds all the cards in all important decisions.

“There’s a thinking that they will do what the U.S. did with Libya: engagement and incentives in return for moderated policies,” said Patrick Clawson, deputy director of the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “Iran, however, is a vastly more complicated place that has influence in Iraq, Afghanistan and across the region.”

The Obama administration hasn’t outlined details of its next steps, but White House Press Secretary Robert Gibbs told reporters Friday that “many more” initiatives are expected.

Last week, U.S. officials raised the possibility of regular diplomatic contacts between U.S. and Iranian diplomats around the world. On Tuesday, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and Iranian envoys will have an opportunity for informal talks on the sidelines of a U.N.-led conference on Afghanistan at The Hague, Netherlands.