Washington ? John Mitchell’s famous advice, “Watch what we do, not what we say,” applies now to John Edwards. The senator from North Carolina probably has campaigned his way onto the Democratic ticket, and the question is how hard he will fight to gain the No. 1 spot, which seems to be almost in the grasp of John Kerry.

By winning South Carolina, coming close in Oklahoma and finishing second to Kerry in Iowa, Virginia and Tennessee, Edwards has demonstrated an appeal, especially in his home region, that is stronger than anyone else in the field but Kerry.

One can argue that the personal following of Sen. Bob Graham in Florida or Sen. John Breaux in Louisiana might put those potential swing states into the Democratic column come November. But Graham bowed out early in the Democratic presidential race, having found little support for his candidacy. And Breaux, like Graham, has announced his retirement from the Senate — hardly a signal of eagerness to stay in the political battle.

Edwards too is retiring after one term in the Senate, but he rolled the dice and launched what appeared to be an almost quixotic bid for the presidency.

When I went down to North Carolina last year to do an early profile of Edwards, what I found among his friends and fellow Tarheels was a deep-seated belief that this was a man who could talk his way into any goal he set for himself.

Lawyers spoke of the intensity of his preparation for the civil trials in which he made a fortune as a plaintiffs’ attorney, suing doctors, insurers and corporations. They recounted how other barristers would fill the courtroom to watch Edwards’ closing arguments to the jury.

Veteran Democrats such as former Gov. Jim Hunt recounted the saga of Edwards’ improbable campaign for the Senate in 1998, a campaign that saw him evolve from an awkward novice, delivering a stumbling announcement on the steps of the Democratic headquarters, to a skillful campaigner capable of winning votes from both African-Americans and white tobacco farmers. He closed strong in that race to defeat a Republican incumbent.

Edwards again has shown himself a strong finisher in this year’s presidential contests. He soared at the end of the Iowa caucuses, helped by an endorsement editorial in The Des Moines Register. In New Hampshire and most of the later states, exit polls showed that his share of the late-deciders was higher than his overall standing. In Virginia on Tuesday, for example, among those who delayed their decision until primary day, Edwards came within 6 percentage points of matching Kerry.

This suggests that given enough time to campaign throughout the country, Edwards might become a magnet for many more voters.

All this enhances the 50-year-old Edwards’ appeal as a potential running mate for the Massachusetts senator, who is 10 years his senior. But Edwards steadfastly insists that his only thought is winning the presidency — a posture that is demanded from anyone who wants to be taken seriously by the voters in upcoming primaries.

The operative question — the “watch what we do, not what we say” test — is how Edwards deals with Kerry in Wisconsin this week, particularly in their Sunday evening television debate in Milwaukee. Politicians outside his campaign are almost unanimous in saying that Edwards has to confront Kerry on his record — especially on trade agreements and other job-related issues — if he is to catch him.

But when I interviewed Edwards in South Carolina, he showed no inclination to come out swinging. In early January, he said, “when it looked like nothing was working, when I was in single digits everywhere and not competitive, there was enormous pressure on me to change, to be more negative and more attack-oriented. But I believed I was doing the right thing, and stayed with what I am.”

That is an honorable and attractive resolve. But it leaves Edwards to grapple with the question of how many second-place finishes he wants to endure. The situation is reminiscent of what the first George Bush faced in 1980. He upset Ronald Reagan in Iowa, but lost in New Hampshire and saw Reagan gradually take a commanding lead in delegates — just as Kerry is doing now. When Bush won Michigan, he wanted to wage a last-ditch fight against Reagan for the nomination. But Jim Baker, his campaign manager, with an eye on a possible No. 2 spot, finally convinced a reluctant candidate it was time to concede.

The rest, as they say, is history. Bush became vice president and later president.

John Edwards, whose boldness has served him well in his brief political career, will not be easily persuaded to settle for No. 2. But he might want to take note of history.

David Broder is a columnist for Washington Post Writers Group.